2. However, Sharif Al Mujahid, an ideologue of the Zia regime claims that in his "controversial " speech Jinnah was not really talking of the basis or bases of Pakistan's political and ideological orientation, nor even of Pakistan's future constitution. Borrowing the words from Rosenthal (Islam in the Modern National State) he describes the speech as "loose thinking and imprecise wording" that led to more than one interpretations and caused confusion.

Sharif al-Mujahid - who once headed the Quad-i-Azam Academy - is hard put to find even some stray remark in Jinnah's vast collection of speeches and writings to sustain the false image of the Father of the Nation that the Zia regime wished to present, as an advocate of Islamic ideology and an Islamic state. In desperation, al-Mujahid (Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah- 1981:230-231) concludes that: "Jinnah was a political leader and not a systematic thinker... For a brilliant and accomplished lawyer as Jinnah was, his academic grounding was rather inadequate... Jinnah could not work out a consistent theoretical framework of Pakistan. For one thing his was not the role of a systematic theoretician nor was he qualified for it." One need not say more after this ridiculous statement and unintended testimony. Anita M. Weiss, Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan, p-42

3. M.H. Askari, Not a Theocratic state Dawn 19.8.1992

4. Ibid.

5. Sharif-ul-Mujahid, Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah, p-267

6. Dr. Fazalur-Rehman, Internal Religious Developments in the Present Century Islam" p-863

7. India's Partition - Process Strategy and Mobilization - Memoirs of Raja of Mehmoudabad edited by Mushirul Hasan - Oxford University Press, Karachi. Cited by Dawn 3.10.1993

8. Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Islam in History, p-212

9. Speech at Chittagong on 26th March, 1948.

10. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan said in 1862: "Is it possible that under these circumstances two nations - the Mohammadans and Hindus - could sit on the same throne and remain equal in power? Most certainly not. It is necessary that one of them should conquer the other and thrust it down. To hope that both could remain equal is to desire the impossible and the inconceivable." Quoted by Richard Symond, The Making of Pakistan, London, 1951, p-31

11. Chief Justice (rtd) Qadeeruddin Ahmed, The Demand of a Muslim Homeland, Dawn 23.3.1992

12. Lawrence Ziring, Pakistan: Enigma of Political Development, p-44

13. H.M. Seervai, Partition of India: Legend and Reality, p-105

14. Ibid. p-137

15. Ibid. p-105

16 Anita M. Weiss - Islamic Reassertion in Pakistan, p-23

17 Unfortunately, in almost half a century of its existence, Pakistan has not managed to forge a national identity to legitimize its own existence which led to speculations about the historic process which brought Pakistan into existence.

A line of analysis which has found expression lately is the one which links the Pakistan movement with the socio-economic aspirations of the Muslim middle-class, particularly in the Muslim-minority provinces. It was felt that these groups found themselves disadvantaged in the face of strong competition from the rising, newly-educated Hindu middle classes. As such they wanted their own turf where they could be masters. The new class of Muslim entrepreneurs too, wanted a reserved field of economic activity where they would be free of the competition of Hindu bania. .... In economic terms, a splitting up of exploitable resources, markets, customers, jobs etc. between two competing groups. According to P. Hardy the feeling of being a distinct nation developed among Indian Muslims only in the 1940s, when it became clear that the British would soon leave India. Prior to that, the Muslim nobility had little in common with the Muslim peasantry and artisan castes. [P. Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972, pp1-2]

Another group has sought for a rationale and a national identity for Pakistan in the historical evolution of the sub-continent. It has not formed a united whole at any period of history. Only for a short period under Aurangzeb, and then under the British from 1857 onward, was India ever ruled by one authority. Even at that time, the monolithic block of British India was inter-woven with the sprawl of over 500 native states with disparate rules, customs and history.

Another line of explanation becoming popular nowadays is to see Pakistan as the end product of imperial machinations and super-power real-politik. It is felt that during the closing period of the Second World War, the twin factors of Soviet imperial and ideological expansion, and the growing importance of the Gulf and Middle East oil led the strategic planners in Washington and London to consider this unceremonious vivisection of Bharat Mata. According to this hypothesis, Pakistan was, from the beginning, set up as part of Cordon Saintlier constructed to contain Soviet ambitions in Asia. [Haroon Siddiqi, The Rationale for Pakistan, Dawn 23.3.1994]

18. Ziring, op. cit., p-33-34

19. Speech at a public meeting in Dacca held on 21st March 1948 quoted by Dr. Javed Iqbal in Ideology of Pakistan, p 3 & 4.

20. Radio talk on 19th February, 1948

21. Secularism, Theocracy and Islam by Jamil Wasti Syed, Dawn 9.7.93

22. Quaid-i-Azam Speaks (Karachi 1950) p-92-93

23. Radio talk in February 1948, Speeches of Mr. Jinnah, p-67

24. Ibid. p-62

25. Ibid. p-71

26. Dr. Mohammad Iqbal, Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam, p-153

27. Ibid. 162

28. Ibid. p-154

29. Iqbal's speeches and statements Edited by A.R.Tariq, p-10

30. Dr. Iqbal, op. cit., p-172

31. Dr Javed Iqbal's interview Frontier Post, Peshawar, 8.9.1991

32. Dr. Iqbal, op. cit., p-175

33. Ibid. p-165

34. Ibid. p-145

35. Islam seeks to establish complete harmony among the real sovereign, the political sovereign and the legal sovereign. The legal sovereign shall be the Muslim law; but its definition shall be in the hands of a legislature, representing the people which will, by deliberation and discussion, decide how to apply the principles of Islam to the needs of the community in varying circumstances... The political sovereign shall be the people who will elect and dismiss their legislatures and their governments... the people are the vehicle of the authority delegated by God to the State of Pakistan. The real sovereign will be basically the principles of Islam which will influence the public mind only if the problems are brought into the public forum and discussed at full length. Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, Pakistan: An Islamic Democracy - Lahore 1951 - p-26-27 cited by Sharif al-Mujahid op. cit., p-260

36. Dr. Iqbal, op. cit., p-174

37. Ibid. p-178

38. Dr. Khalifa Abdul Hakeem, Islamic Ideology, p-212

39. Ibid. p-212

40. Ibid. p-221

41. Ibid. p-238

42. Ibid. p-242 43. Ibid. p-242-243

44. On Feb. 6, 1912, an amendment to the Special (civil) Marriages Act was moved by Bopender Nath Basu in the Legislative Council. It sought to provide for the registration of civil marriages between persons belonging to different religion denominations. Till then, both the parties to such marriages had to declare that they belonged to no religion. The amendment was lost. But the 1912 amendment is memorable for Jinnah's speech on this subject. When Jinnah rose to speak, the Law Minister, Sir Ali Imam, drew his attention to Quranic injunctions prohibiting Muslim male from marrying women outside the people of the Book (Ahl-i-Kitab) and a Muslim woman from marring any but a Muslim. Jinnah, then, reminded the Law Minister that it was not the first occasion that the council had either ignored or amended Islamic law in such a way as to make it suitable to meet the requirement of times. He cited many examples. The Law of contract was not recognized any more. The Islamic Penal Law, which had continued to be in force even after the establishment of British Rule in India, had been completely abrogated. The Law of Evidence as set forth in the Islamic Law was nowhere prevalent in the country. then there was the Cast Disabilities Removal Act 1845. Under Muslim Law, a person in the event of apostasy lost all rights of inheritance. This, too, had been abrogated. "I submit that these laws are the precedence which we should follow in order to meet the requirements of the times. For this many precedence can be found in Islamic Law," Jinnah argued.

45. Dr. Javed Iqbal, How to legislate Islam in modern times, Pakistan Outlook quarterly, Karachi - Vol. 2, No. 1.

46. Ibid.

47. Nationality in Modern Muslim polity - A Study by Asian Research Centre Karachi. Pakistan Outlook - Karachi Vol 1. No. 4.

48. Sharif-ul-Mujahid, op. cit., p-275